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Improvised Explosive Devices….and Inaccurate Euphemistic Deceptions

In its 19 December 2013 issue, “The USA Today”(TM) reported that 2013 marks the ten year anniversary of the Improvised Explosive Device or “IED” (“How the IED Changed the US Military,” by Gregg Zoroya, front page). The article traces the historical trajectory of the IED from 2003 and attempts to demonstrate how this phenomenon has caused an evolution in gear and tactics for the U.S. military.

Likely, one of the most surprised people to learn of the short ten-year lifespan of the IED was the guy who tossed one into the motorcade of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in the area of the former Yugoslavia. His use of an Improvised Explosive Device set off what we now call World War I. Others who never got the memo declaring that all of human history had been compacted into the period from 2003 to the present were equally surprised.

Improvised Explosive Devices were thrown into a crowd of cops in Chicago during the Haymarket Riot. By all accounts, rebel colonists used IEDs during the Boston Tea Party, burning British ships into the sea. And nobody in their right mind would argue that the molotov cocktail, that most-ubiquitous of Improvised Explosive Devices, was first concocted in the twenty-first century.

So what the fuck is The USA Today(TM) talking about?

It appears that this bastion of balanced journalism (that’s sarcasm) has employed an IED of its own. I’m not talking about an Improvised Explosive Device, but an “Inaccurate Euphemistic Deception.” See, language is a tool. And tools can be used as weapons. Here, language is being used as a weapon. Continue reading

Sean Swain Radio

Sean Swain is now providing regular commentary to The Final Straw, an anarchist radio show out of Asheville NC. They’ll be featuring a five minute segment from Sean on most every episode starting last Sunday and going until the ODRC takes away phone access.

Here’s the first show with this feature:  http://www.ashevillefm.org/the-final-straw/01/2014/hunger-strike-at-westville-in-in-sean-swain-radio-and-more

Here’s an episode from a few months back featuring a longer interview with Sean and Blackjack: http://thefinalstrawradio.noblogs.org/post/2013/11/11/sean-swain-blackjack-the-army-of-the-12-monkeys/

Voices from Solitary: “This Massive Mind-Fuck Machine”

From http://solitarywatch.com
January 5, 2014 By 4 Comments

COOEYSean Swain is has served 22 years of a 20-to-life sentence for a murder he maintains was committed in self-defense. He has done many long stints in solitary confinement, and is currently being held at the supermax Ohio State Penitentiary in Youngstown. A self-proclaimed anarchist, he has twice run for governor of Ohio from his prison cell. His writing appears at www.seanswain.org. The following comes from a letter to Solitary Watch written in December. He welcomes mail at: Sean Swain 243205, OSP, 878 Coitsville-Hubbard Road, Youngstown, OH 44505.  –Jean Casella

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I arrived here at Ohio’s super-duper-uber-meza-ultra-max on 29 August. I call it that because super-max sounds so ridiculous. If maximum is maximum, the most, what can be “super” or “beyond” the maximum? If it’s more secure than the already-existing maximum, then it supercedes it as being the new maximum, but it doesn’t become super-maximum. This is my deliberate, hyperbolic use of multiple prefixes to heckle the state’s grammatical euphemists.

They even have to abuse language.

Since August I note there are days I experience heightened anger. I call them rage days. They happen seemingly at random and I am self-aware enough to know that my emotional response is exagerrated. Sometimes pencil cups tip over. It’s not a cause for murderous rage. So I breathe deeply and recall that the situation I’m in creates those symptoms, and I self-talk through recognizing the relative insignificance of a spilled pencil cup compared to all the very serious disasters happening in the world. Re-centering. Re-grounding….

I fear losing my mind. I fear that on a long enough trajectory I’m doomed. I’m like a flood victim stacking sandbags, contemplating that I can hold out for six months, or a year, and if I am ambitious and scramble, I can hold off the inevitable for 18 months, but sooner or later the water will begin to trickle over the top of the barricades and then…

Smash. Pencil cup hits the wall.

Solitary confinement is waking every day already stacking the sandbags in your head to stave off the flood of irrationality that seeks to consume you…while operating within slow-motion mundanity of sensory deprivation. It’s almost comic, really, how those two realities, the internal and the external, are so oddly divergent. The internal feels like everything is emergent–bells and buzzers and sirens–and the external, that which triggers the internal madness, is less eventful the cows grazing or paint drying. But that’s just it. It’s the vacuum, the absence the gets the monkey of the mind scrambling for some kind of sensory toy to grab.

I smirk to myself when the shrink comes around once a week. He asks me if I’m OK. My response is always, “I think so.” It’s the best I can do when I know there are prisoners smeared in their own fecal matter and muttering to unseen demons and they tell the shrink, “Yes, I’m doing fantastic.”

I’m not smeared in fecal matter.

Yet.

I don’t hear disembodied voices screaming at me to check my tire pressure.

Yet.

Am I OK? I think so.

I don’t tell him that I’m afraid. I’m afraid of the day when a shit suit sounds like a great idea, when Shabriri, the Demon of Blindness, screeches at me about unsafe driving conditions…

I also consider the irony that this massive mind-fuck machine works feverishly, day-in and day-out, prying out my psychological fingernails with a pair of rusty pliers, and then sends around this poor, well-intentioned, professor-ish clipboard dragger to inquire about my well being, prairie-dogging through the plexiglass bulletproof window of the steel door on my tomb, seeking signs of my inevitable mental disorganization.

I think so. I think so. I think so. Yes…

A pencil-pusher was making rounds recently. Thru the bulletproof glass he asked me, “Do you know why you’re here?”

I responded, “Because there was an open cell available and the director doesn’t like my criticism of his policy?”

He looked side to side and saw the coast was clear. He shrugged. “Well, yeah,” was his reply.

Am I OK? I’m still stacking the sandbags. I haven’t given up.

Yet.

Pacifists Suck: How Arresting Revolution Maintains a Violent World

Pacifists Suck: How Arresting Revolution Maintains a Violent World
by Sean Swain

When a guy kicked in my door in 1991, I panicked and stabbed him to death. I didn’t own a gun. I didn’t believe in guns. I always ascribed to the wisdom that if somebody wanted to come to my home and shoot me, he would have to bring his own gun. So, in the years that followed, perhaps in part motivated by a need to make sense out of this tragedy, I encountered Gandhi. I read everything I could find and became a veritable Gandhi expert, even consuming everything by and about his students–Martin Luther King, Cesar Chavez, Gene Sharp (who wrote the exhaustive Politics of Nonviolent Action), and other fellow travelers like Archbishop Oscar Romero in El Salvador.

I became convinced that only nonviolent direct action–and exclusively-nonviolent direct action–held the solution for changing the world in any constructive way. As a member of CURE-Ohio’s prisoner advisory board, I successfully advocated for that organization to develop a policy for supporting prisoner nonviolent direct action. In 2002, I was recognized by no less than Rosa Parks herself for my public advocacy of nonviolent action, and the co-chair of the Southern Poverty Law Center’s National Campaign for Tolerance added my name to the Wall of Tolerance.

I share all of that to demonstrate that I am fully versed in the theory and practice of nonviolent direct action and that I used to be among those who insisted on exclusive nonviolence as the only solution. But I am no longer under the influence of that powerful delusion and I recognize, reasonably and practically, that political violence is a necessary feature for any successful effort at social transformation.

Exclusive nonviolence doesn’t cut it. It never did, it never will. In fact, those who insist on exclusive nonviolence and thereby hold all social movements hostage, demanding that all tactics employed by all participants meet the nonviolence litmus, are the biggest impediment to social transformation that currently exists. “Pacifists,” the idealist followers of Gandhi and MLK, are the most culpable accomplices to the continuing violence of our current status quo.

Principled pacifists, threatening withdrawal from social movements if violent tactics are considered, doom every social movement to which they are a part. They limit resistance to only those tactics that will inevitably fail. This proves true in the most glaring recent example of the Occupy movement, when police employed brutal and violent repression to push resisters out of the public space. The resistance ultimately dissolved in the face of State terror because pacifists’ limitations prevented Occupy from preparing effectively to meet violence with violence, precluded any plan to deploy violent offensives that would diminish the State’s capacity to confront Occupy with such overwhelming force, and ultimately foreclosed upon even the consideration of tactics that may have altered history.

Reality: Cops are violent.

Reality: Cops are going to employ violence to impose “order.”

Reality: If those who truly desire to challenge the-world-as-it-is want to be successful, they will have to develop strategies for meeting, countering, and overcoming State violence.

Reality: Violent revolutionary action is the solution.

Of course, principled pacifists are unwilling to participate in any social movement that contemplates violence and/or property damage, not even in a nonviolent or noncombatant role, thereby diminishing the potential numbers of the resistance and dooming it stillborn before it ever emerges.

But what is it, exactly, that principled pacifists are opposing? Is their opposition reasonable? Just how “violent” is violent revolution, and does it result in more violence than a continuation of the existing order of things?

Let’s take an analytical look at violent revolution, the solution that principled pacifists oppose and ultimately prevent: We can get an idea of what happens during a revolution by considering the data from previous revolutions. We know, for instance, that in the English, American, French, and Russian revolutions, only a maximum of 5% of those country’s populations–at peak participation–were involved in the resistance. So that means that 95% of any given population does not participate in a revolution.

This is important for us to consider as we weigh the violence that principled pacifists oppose, and the violence that principled pacifists ultimately choose to perpetuate–the State violence of the current order. The violent revolution that pacifists prevent would foreseeably involve 5% of the population at most. That means pacifists prevent 5% of the population from successfully liberating 100% of the population through recourse to bullets and bombs.

This ratio is also borne out by more recent struggles, including the Cuban revolution. In Cuba, rebels never numbered more than 5,000 in a population of roughly 11 million people. This puts max participation at 4.5% against a regime materially-supported by the United States.

In that armed struggle, the rebels killed something like 300 of the regime’s forces.

Using those numbers, an armed struggle in the U.S. that would successfully topple the existing order would involve 13.5 million people, a mere fraction of the number of the currently unemployed. So, by all accounts, principled pacifists aren’t opposing a wild orgy of violence that engulfs 300 million people and plunges the U.S. unto absolute madness, they oppose an armed struggle that, at most, would involve 13.5 million rebels.

But, that’s still not a fair presentation. While 13.5 million would be involved in the rebellion, not all would be involved in direct armed struggle as combatants. We have to consider that many of those people would be medics and cooks and logistical support. You’ve also got large numbers of rebels who would engage exclusively in nonviolent forms of resistance like hacking, intelligence gathering, promotion, and recruitment, not to mention those who specialize in sabotage exclusively against property.

It is important to remember that just because a rebellion incorporates the strategies of violence, not all rebels necessarily participate in the violent components of rebellion. Normally, just a fraction of any given force ever engages in actual combat, fighting, shooting, and dying. So that we cannot be accused of under-estimates, let’s say half of the rebels would be involved in direct violence, although this ratio is likely very high.

In an armed struggle in the U.S., that would put the number of rebels engaged in actual direct fighting at less than 7 million.

I read somewhere that we have 200 million guns in the U.S. We could arm every combatant of a successful revolution by distributing just 3.5% of the guns we own. In so doing, we could end the current order and all the suffering and death it causes globally, year after year. It would take 7 million people, at peak participation, willing to pull a trigger to bring about a future we deserve.

With 7 million armed rebels in a revolutionary engagement involving a maximum of 13.5 million, we could reasonably expect a number of deaths as high as 810,000. And that’s if the government forces continue fighting until the rebels can reach the doorstep of those calling the shots.

That’s if the U.S. military is willing to side with the government, against the people.

More people than that will be killed by drunk drivers.

More people than that will kill themselves, because the current order relegates them to lives that are intolerable.

Consider: If principled pacifists willingly played nonviolent roles in a violent revolution, 300 million people would be liberated with less than 1 million casualties and the foreseeable end result would be a net gain rather than a loss when we consider all of the lives that this current system will inevitably chew up if it isn’t taken down. And that isn’t even factoring in people all over the world who suffer and die as a result of U.S. actions.

Consider: If, prior to the U.S. invasion of Iraq, principled pacifists participated nonviolently in a violent revolution, millions of lives would have been saved at a cost of fewer than 1 million. That means if we act now, and pacifists allow the revolution to take its course, we can save millions of lives in preventing the next U.S. invasion and bombing of some defenseless country before it even happens.

To be a principled pacifist is to foreclose upon a revolution that would save lives. That means, in the final analysis, pacifists are against the preservation of life. They are so enraptured with their delusional, fast construct and their narrow, unrealistic definition of violence, that their “principled” inaction obstructs what would transform the world and preserve countless lives long into the future. Their principles matter more than we do.

Consider the next drone strike.

Consider the unarmed Black men killed by police.

Principled pacifists are the unwitting shovel that the ruling elite uses to dig its mass graves. Their complicity in crimes against humanity is inexcusable. Let’s hope that, for the rest of us who do not share their Kumbayah delusions, they stop obstructing the real solution before it’s too late.

Recommended reading:

Anatomy of Revolution, by Crane Brinton War of the Flea, by Robert Taber Politics of Nonviolent Action, by Gene Sharp The Logic of Political Violence, by Craig Rosebraugh

Security Review

Sean has a security review in January 2014. This is a chance for him to have his status lowered. If you want to possibly enhance his chances, send letters in support of lowering Sean’s security status to the below address; or, send an e-mail to D-Block Unit Manager c/o Laura.Gardner@odrc.state.oh.us

Unit Manager D Block
OSP
878 Coitville Hubbard rd
Youngstown, Ohio 44505

Some possible talking points:

1) Sean is not a gang member. He has been sent to higher security to silence his criticism of Jpay policy.

2) Sean is a model prisoner who has signed up for all relevant programs.

3) Shawn Marshall 461-448, another prisoner who has admitted to involvement in the rule violations Sean denies involvement in, has already had his status lowered and is currently at 4A status.

4) Keeping Sean at 4B prevents him from getting to the security level he needs to be paroled in 2016. This means even after his counsel files the upcoming civil action to challenge this disciplinary discrepancy, Sean will suffer the consequences at the parole board, which will necessitate further litigation.

5) To learn more about this the disciplinary discrepancy and illegal activities surrounding Sean’s case go to seanswain.org

The more people who write the better. You can also call OSP @ (330)743-0700 ask to speak to D-Block Unit Manager and relate this information. Please be polite. For now, if denied, Sean’s next review will be in July 2014.
If you find out the review has already happened, ask the outcome and if it was not a recommendation in to lower Sean’s status, try to persuade prison officials to change their minds.

On Fascism, Take Two: Response to Crimethinc Podcast #15’s Listener Feedback

Introduction

By way of introduction, some background:

Crimethinc explored the topic of fascism in their podcast #11. You can probably check that out by clicking someplace where a friend of mine has a blue line under some words, I suspect.

I responded to that podcast and presented a way to view freedom and the State, anarchism and fascism. Again, you can probably expend a calorie by clicking and checking out my full response, but I’ll give a really quick summary here. Freedom is “the absence of external regulation” (thank you, Ward Churchill), so freedom and external regulation are opposites. Where regulated, you are not free; where free, you are not regulated. Imagine freedom as one point and complete external regulation as another with a line between them, and you’ve got a continuum.

A crude illustration might appear here:

Freedom (absence of external regulation)——————————————————-Absolute external regulation   (absence of freedom)

Since the Statee representes external regulation, only anarchists (who oppose the existence of the State) can stand on the extreme point of Freedom. Since fascists advocate for the total transcendence of the State and a negation of all personal freedom, they occupy the opposite point.

I then managed to pose an argument that will piss off roughly 95% of the world’s population when I said that, since all other hierarchical schemes (from socialists to republicans) on the continuum all have the essential features of fascism to some lesser degree, all of them (except anarchists) are some “light beer” fascist formations.

Yeah. I put a Sharpie-marker Hitler mustache on conservatives, liberals, socialists, and everyone in between. I concluded that, to defeat fascism, you must defeat the State…and only anarchists can do that.

In podcast #15, Alanis and Clara gave a fair presentation of my response. Click on the words with the blue line under them and check it out. But, again, for the super-lazy, I’ll summarize their reply to my ideas and then address them.

Alanis suggested that in addition to the continuum that I presented, we have to add another dimension which accounts for “our capacity to act and realize our potential.” This implicates the idea that even if I’m not regulated directly, the oppression of someone else “inhibit(s)…realization of our collective potential.” She also points out that fascists believe their aims and goals can only be achieved at the expense of the “other,” which then implicates racism, sexism, etc., while anarchists employ means that are consistent with self-determination, solidarity, and mutual aid.

Clara then made an important point, I think, that deserves quoting almost in entirety. She said that “characterizing all non-anarchist political ideologies as essentially more or less virulent varieties of fascism [which is really good description of what I did 🙂 ] risks eclipsing some of the specific characteristics of fascism as it has appeared over the past century—not to mention alienating potential allies in anti-fascist struggles. Anarchists can’t defeat fascism alone, but we can used shared opposition to it to introduce others to broader critiques of state power.”

After Alanis suggested that we must judge political theory separate from how it ends up practiced, Clara suggested a somewhat more complex model than my single-axis continuum. If I understand it correctly Clara’s model would have “x” and “y” axes that intersect like the graphs in algebra class, with one continuum representing something akin to my graph, and the intersecting axis representing the continuum between centralization and decentralization.

I’ve summarized those points because I want to address them more in-depth below, and I didn’t bother to recount the points where we all agreed. To recount those would serve no other purpose except to make us all seem brilliant.

And that’s not necessary…everyone knows anarchism and brilliance are correlated.

Besides, disagreement is more interesting. My disagreements follow, and I hope they are interesting.

Response

I note that all of the arguments against my previous response arise fro ma sense that my presentation is somewhat an oversimplification. (Alanis: “…we might try to broaden our notion…by addition another dimension…”; “another key opposition between fascists and anarchists…”; Clara: “…characterizing all non-anarchist political, ideological…risks eclipsing some of the specific characteristics of fascism…”; and “…(there is) another axis we need to consider…”). Alanis and Clara don’t use the term “oversimplification” because their too polite for that, but all of the arguments they made that I intend to address seem to indicate that my single-axis continuum of freedom (“absence of external regulation”) to absolute external regulation (“absence of freedom”) lacks some necessary moving parts and whistles and bells.

From my reading, it seems that there are two principle arguments that originate from this position. The first is, my presentation omits other dimensions that must be considered, and the second—premised somewhat on the first—is that such an oversimplification leads to inaccurate conclusions that are ultimately false.

“Other Dimensions”

Clara suggests that rather than referring to my simple one-axis continuum, we need two intersecting axes. One continuum, by her conception, would represent “centralization” and “decentralization,” while the other would be a range between hierarchy and equality.

This model is instructive for analysis certainly, but somewhat redundant, I think, when contrasted to mine. Here, we have a range of centralization and decentralization. Of what?

Well, whatever your answer—power. Centralization of the economy (socialism) is centralization of economic power. Centralization of legal authority (the State) is centralization of political power. Centralization of gumballs is the centralization of the power to blow bubbles.

Power equals regulation. That which exercises power over something else is regulating.

We’re back to my graph. Absence of regulation at one end, absolute regulation at the other. It follows, naturally, I think, that at the fascist end of the spectrum you have a tendency of centralization—concentrating the power to regulate into fewer hands; while at the opposing end, the freedom end, you have the anarchist tendency to diffuse power in the absence of a State, the absence of a regulator.

Returning to Clara’s model, we have the other axis which ranges from “hierarchy” to “equality.” A quick point here before we proceed, but hierarchy and equality are not necessarily opposites; you either have hierarchy or you don’t, but the absence of hierarchy doesn’t automatically imply equality. But even so, let’s contrast this axis with my freedom (“absence of external regulation”) to absolute-regulation axis.

Equality corresponds easily with the idea of no bosses/slaves—an “equality” of power. Inequality always implies someone having the wherewithal to stick it to someone else. I would suggest that this concept, “equality,” can only exist in the absence of an external regulator because, if an external regulator exists, it has an unequal power. So, equality, in an absolute sense, can only correspond to the “freedom” point on my axis. And, on my axis, as you depart from “freedom,” from the absolute position, you get lesser and lesser degrees of equality as well.

Are we starting to appreciate how phantasmorific my graph is?

But, again, whenever we are on the sliding scale, equality to greater inequality, we don’t bump into “hierarchy.” As I mentioned, hierarchy is not the opposite of equality, but is the opposite of the-absence-of-hierarchy. So for that, we’re back to my graph (phantasmorific!) and we note that the position of freedom, absence of regulation, necessarily corresponds to an absence of hierarchy, and the rest of the continuum is a sliding scale of how much hierarchy sucks. Sucks a lot way over there. Sucks significantly less over here.

So, by my analysis, for what it’s worth, I like all the things Clara’s “x” and “y” axes are measuring, but I think they’re unnecessary. By any analysis, we can see the correlation between equality and freedom and decentralization (diffusion) and diversification and variation and the absence of external regulation; where the opposites of all of those great things are concentrated at the other end where Dick Chaney and Darth Vader reside.

Freedom———————————————————————————————————absolute external regulation

absence of external regulation———————————————————————— (absence of freedom)

(and all the good stuff on Clara’s graph)————————————————————– (the ultimate suck)

Okay. So, let’s move on to an argument Alanis made, that also implies (politely) that I’ve over-simplified. She suggested, “…we might try to broaden our notion of fascism and how it relates to anarchism by adding another dimension to our definition of freedom. In addition to absence of external regulation, we’d add our capacity to act and realize our potential. This is what makes the slogan “No One is Free when Others are Oppressed” concrete; the oppression of others may or may not serve as an external regulation to us individually, but it does inhibit our realization of our collective project” (emphasis added).

As I understand this, Alanis is saying—and I agree—that my own freedom can be diminished by the oppression of another. And before I start drawing distinctions, I first want to point out the essential truth of this that the existence of oppression anywhere is the existence of oppression everywhere.

Everybody act accordingly. 🙂

However, I think Alanis is mixing apples and oranges. To draw a distinction, we have the question of what freedom is, and we have a separate (but related) question of whether or not your current freedom (or current lack of it) will influence or inhibit my freedom.

So, let me approach it this way. We have my freedom, my “absence of external regulation.” In the current moment, I am free. Every possible choice is available to me. And at the same time, Alanis is unfree. She’s oppressed.

But notice, our definition doesn’t change. Freedom and it’s absence is still understood by the degree of external regulation or its absence.

This is “apples”—the definition.

Now, for “oranges”—if Alanis is oppressed now, will that impact my freedom in the next moment? And the answer, of course, is yes. Alanis being oppressed now will foreclose on some of my options ten seconds from now. So, her absence of freedom will become a force that works as an inhibitor, a regulator of my freedom, by foreclosing upon some of my options. I am not free if I cannot choose what I would otherwise choose, all because Alanis is in chains.

But, again, I would suggest that my model does not need modified. You’ll note, the definition of freedom is “the absence of external regulation,” not “the absence of direct external regulation over me.” For me to be totally free, there must be an absolute absence of external regulation.

Its existence impacts me. That’s why taking down just the State of Ohio just the United States would not be good enough. As Rage Against the Machine said it in Renegades of Funk: “Destroy all nations…”

The absence of external regulation.

That’s also the reason that the cop in his police cruiser represents oppression whether he is arresting me or whether he’s eating a salami sandwich. He’s an external regulator. He’s present.

And that’s why we have to drop the bowling ball through his windshield. It’s not personal. It’s principle. His very existence drags us from our absolute position on my (phantasmorific!) freedom graph.

So, that takes us to the next argument Alanis makes, implying (politely) that my analysis is over-simplified and incomplete:

“Herein lies another key opposition between fascism and anarchist approaches to the world. Fascists believe that realizing the potential of a race or a nation can only come via authority at the expense of the Ohter (the non-citizen or the foreigner, the inferior race or religion, the sexual or cultural deviant, etc.) On the contrary, anarchists believe that we can only realize our full potential via self-determination based in solidarity and mutual aid.”

This analysis is certainly accurate, in that fascist and anarchists have a completely different orientation and method of engagement. But, I would argue, this is a result of the points on the continuum we occupy. Fascists reside on the end of the spectrum where the State is all and the individual is nothing.

So, given this orientation, racism and sexism and homophobia are a natural extension of their total State worship. Absolute regualtion translates into foreclosing on freedom, on choice, and this means homogenization of everything and everyone. A reduction of everyone, restricted to the singular example of so-called Fascist Perfection. Anything deviating from that is wrong, is a violation of the regulations.

I would argue that “absolute external regulation” on my graph would invariably coincide with an all-out war on diversity. It’s a natural consequence of fascism.

As a minor note, to support this, consider that in all of the writings by early fascists, the topic of racial purity never came up. “Everyone-bashing” was not part of the platform. Racial hatred was not a conscious component to the program, but was a natural outgrowth of it. Only later in fascism’s development were the sentiments so popularly shared by all fascists consciously incorporated into the program.

Expressed another way, a kooky belief that the State is all, and absolute external regulation is great, and the individual is nothing, typically appeals to hateful white guys…and they generally agree on killing everyone not just like themselves.

(A general principle: stupid white guys who will embrace one dumb idea will usually embrace another one.:) )

At the same time, it also makes sense, referring back to my freedom-to-absolute-external-regulation continuum, that the folks on the absolute freedom (absence of external control, no State, no compulsion, etc.) end of the spectrum would have a totally different orientation and engagement—one that’s conducive to variation and variety and choice and actualization of the transcendent individual through cooperation and wonderful stuff. Not wanting to wax utopian here, because I’m far from the dreamy utopian, but it seems to me that it’s pretty self-evident: if you create a climate and social setting conducive to certain characteristics, you’ll more likely foster them; if you create an environment that is supportive and stress-free, and geared toward the relative peace and happiness of each individual, you’ll have fewer cranky, hateful people hell-bent on accumulating material shit and killing everybody.

Just and idea.

But I think we can easily extrapolate all of that from my simple two dots and a line. Lots of good things converge on freedom. Lots of bad stuff gets worse as you move further away from it…

And fascism blows chunks.

So now we progress to the second major argument that in over-simplifying (my word) I’ve mischaracterized every non-anarchist as “essentially more or less virulent varieties of fascism” and, in so doing, I risk “eclipsing some of the specific characteristics of fascism…”

 

Everyone But Anarchists are Essentially Fascists…(And They Suck)

I was going to try to find a nice way to make my point. There isn’t one.

Everyone who does not reject the State and who does not reject “external regulation” occupying that singular extreme point on the continuum—embraces and “essentially more or less virulent variety of fascism.” I don’t like saying that. I don’t like recognizing that. I wish it were different…but it’s not.

Except for the extreme anti-State, anti-external regulation position occupied by anarchists, the entirety of the political spectrum shares all—let me capitalize that: ALL—of the component features of fascism. All of those political philosophies—to include socialism—simply contain ALL of the component features of fascism in lesser quantities.

Something I read just today in Cartography of Revolutionary Anarchism by Michael Schmidt (p. 3-4) speaks to this very subject:

“…the vast majority of historical Marxist movements strived for revolutionary dictatorship based upon nationalism and central planning. Every major Marxist regime has been a dictatorship. Every major Marxist party has renounced Marxism for social democracy, acted as an apologist for a dictatorship, or headed a brutal dictatorship itself. Even those mainstream Marxist who critique the horrors of Stalin or Mao defend Lenin and Trotsky’s regime, which included all of the core features of later Marxist regimes—labour camps, a one-party dictatorship, a secret police state, terror against the peasantry, the repression of strikes, independent unions and other leftists, etc. Marxism must be judged by history and the authoritarian Marxist lineage that exists therein: not Marxism as it might* have been, but Marxism as it has been… (emphasis added, except *).

All of those core features—labor camps, a dictatorship, a secret police, terror against the population, repression of strikes and unions and other political theories—aren’t just the core features of later Marxist regimes, but are the core features of fascism. And I’m not trying to specifically pick on socialists here, but my thinking is, socialists are the next position over to the right of the U.S. Anarchists, so if this holds true for them, it certainly holds true for every political position situated even closer to fascism.

One of the writers in John Zerzan’s collection, Against Civilization (name escapes me, but perhaps someone can plug that information in here) [no, we can’t, sorry], argued that Hitler and the Holocaust were not some vast departure from the norms of swivelization (my word). On the contrary, Hitler and his ideology were an extreme exaggeration of swivelization and its norms. It was not an anomaly, a drastic departure, a disjuncture from swivelized society, but was, instead, a perfect representation of it: it was swivelization on steriods. It was more Stalin than Stalin…more Reagan than Reagan…more Obama than Obama…but it was not qualitatively “other than” anything else we experience in the swivelized world.

So, back to Clara’s point, she claims that my position “risks eclipsing some of the specific characteristics of fascism…” And I’m not trying to be confrontational here, but I have to ask: Like what? What “specific characteristics” do we find in fascism that we do not find everywhere else at all times. Racism? Labor camps? A dictatorship? Repression of opposition? Nationalism? Patriotism? Invasion? Colonization? Aspirations of global dominance?

Am I missing something?

Please keep in mind that, as Ward Churchill points out, Hitler didn’t devise his Final Solution all on his own, but was admittedly inspired by what the U.S. had done to Native Americans. And don’t forget that prior to U.S. entry into World War II, then-ambassador to Britain, Joe Kennedy, father of future president John Kennedy, advised FDR to enter the war on the side of Germany. Charles Lindbergh and Walt Disney were honored by the Third Reich, and now Disney’s corporation brings you the evening news that ignores the concentration camps called the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, maintained with your tax dollars.

Okay, that last paragraph kind of felt like a rant so now I’ll cool out on the caffeine, let go of your shirt collar, and take a deep breath. Sorry. But all of that is still true.

So, having said all of that, we now get to what might be the most important point. I’ll first quote Clara:

“…characterizing all non-anarchist political ideologies as essentially more or less virulent varieties of fascism risks eclipsing some of the specific characteristics of fascism as it has appeared over the past century—not to mention alienating potential allies in anti-fascist struggles. Anarchists can’t defeat fascism alone, but we can use shared opposition to it to introduce others to broader critiques of state power” (emphasis added).

This, I find, is one of the most prevalent ideas that anarchists espouse—the idea that socialists and other state leftists are allies of ours against the fascists. Because state leftists are further away down the continuum from fascists, and because they are sometimes positioned just to the right of us, we take that proximity as commonality. We ally ourselves with state leftists in common cause against the fascist menace. And, invariably, every single time, the socialists (aka “fascist-lights”, aka state-worshipers with all the components of fascism but to lesser degrees) stab us in the back at a critical juncture and turn the tides in favor of the fascists, with whom they share a god (the State).

Ask Buenaventura Durruti. Socialists did it in the Spanish Civil War, time and again. Then Stalin made a secret pact with Hitler, the most fascist of fascists, white Jews, gypsies and anarchists filled Nazi concentration camps.

To present an analogy:

Clara: Sean, the zombie apocalypse is upon us! We have to fight the zombies!

Sean: Okay. Who are our allies?

Clara: Those dead, rotting, shambling, drooling people over there who are trying to eat our brains.

See how that sounds? We’re going to oppose the enemy who openly aspires to racism, labor camps, dictatorship, secret police, terror waged against the population, repression, nationalism, patriotism, invasion, colonization, and global dominance? We’re going to team-up with the closet fascists to fight the outted fascists?

I would say, “Let me know how that works out for you”-except we have examples of how that works out….over and over and over and over.

I don’t want to “play nice” with someone who intends to oppress me as soon as we bump off his competition, and do most of the fighting and dying in the process. I know how this sounds, but fuck socialists. They are not anti-fascist and they are not our pals. Never have been….and we’ve got the scars to prove it.

There is no long-term benefit from working socialists, unless you’re excited at the prospect of serving time in the gulag under the next Stalin, in which case you’re already a socialist-so why are you even reading this far? And somehow socialists have us duped into thinking that we don’t have “the numbers” to engage in a purely anarchist resistance using anarchist strategies and tactics without compromising on principle and begging the socialists to de-rail our anti-state efforts.

Clara draws the conclusion that anarchists “can’t defeat fascism alone…”. And I hope that’s not true because we’re the onle ones who truly reject fascism. We’re the only ones resisting it rather than watering it down or implementing it on a slower, sneakier timeline. I’m looking around the poker table and I firmly believe we’re going to have to fight the fascists alone, simply because we’re the only ones not giving them hand-jobs at the table.

So I ask, why do we need “numbers”? Do we need a voting majority in order to hack in and melt down government databases, or to take down cell phone towers, or call in fake bomb threats to major corporations? Do we need even a sizeable minority to jam up shipping and rail and trucking; to follow home government officials from their offices? How many people does it take to find all the homes foreclosed by banks and eliminate profits with a bottle, a rag, some gas, some Styrofoam peanuts, and a book of matches? How many people does it take to pull fire alarms? To forage at Walmart? And there are just small activities that if even one million disgruntled people undertook them, the system would be disrupted. Nothing sensational.

So now consider: in the U.S., a population of 300 millions, nearly 20% are unemployed. We’re talking 60 million people abandoned by the larger system. How many tens of thousands of combat vets are coming home to find they tossed limbs down the rich man’s oil well just to get betrayed? Can’t millions of people be reached on-line almost instantaneously? French students can go out on strike to get one immigrant returned, so why can’t U.S. students go on strike…forever?

Consider also: the Roman Empire collapsed not because the socialists amassed the necessary “numbers” to bring it down; it collapsed because the barbarians, the savages, ran around naked and shit in the bushes.

Swivelization is already collapsing. It just needs a few naked barbarians. A few steaming dumps in the bushes.

Fuck the socialist. Fuck “numbers”.

With just fifty committed anarchists who want to take down the system, we can come up with a plan in less than a day that would be so thoroughly devastating that by this time next year, we’d all be squatting or living in yurts, foraging for food. Money would be good kindling. The o-zone would be looking much healthier.

Nobody would be reading Karl Marx.

 

 

Books Overload!

Please hold off on sending Sean books for a month or two- see note from Sean below. There are lots of other ways to support him:

1. donate to the legal fund- we’re gonna sue the pants off the ODRC for their absurd mishandling of the Army of the 12 Monkeys situation. We’re also working on getting Sean’s original conviction overturned, which isn’t as bad of a long shot as you’d think. These things require money, throw a little Sean’s way: http://seanswain.org/donate/

2. help transcribe / publish / distro writings- Sean is a prolific writer and some of his pieces deserve broader publication and distribution. If you’ve got contacts with radical presses, if you’ve got zine-layout skills, if you’ve got time to do some typing, contact Ben at insurgent.ben@gmail.com and get on board making that shit happen.

3. dozens of other things- Sean is a very imaginative guy, who is trying to stir up every single pot he can find, so there are tons of other (sometimes rather creative) ways to get involved. If you’ve got an idea or are lookin for a project, either write Sean or contact Ben (insurgent.ben@gmail.com) and we’ll plug you in.

 

From a recent letter:

“I haven’t had much time for reading. If possible can we put a quick note on the site that as of now I have like 19 unread books stacked up because I had so much writng to get done and I’m just now getting to those books, so it might be a good idea to hold off on any more books until maybe March 1st. Not that I’m not grateful, but I plan to read them all and write something for posting on each, and if books keep rolling in, it will begin to feel overwhelming. Like Alfred Hitchcock’s “The Birds” only with pages instead of wings.

I better get this out. 2014 will be monumental.

Stay dangerous. Freedom, Sean.”

 

 

On the Liberatory Poverty of Socialism: One Anarchist’s View

by Sean Swain

Several years ago I was invited to participate in a debate between Socialists Tom Big Warrior and Rashid Johnson of the Black Panther Prison Chapter, on one hand, and Anthony Rayson, a prolific zinester, and myself for Anarchism, on the other hand. Much to my disappointment, the project fell through and I spent years seeking a public forum for my arguments, the problem being Anarchist publications willing to publish would never give me an argument, and Socialist publications bristled at publishing anti-Socialist views.

What follows is one view that the traditionally Socialist concept of “revolution” which maintains the existence of the State is not revolution at all, and that only the complete abolition of the State–a decidedly Anarchist engagement–constitutes a true revolution. The implication, then, is that Socialism represents only a more-developed and somewhat-disguised expression of reformism, making Socialism itself an agency of counter-revolution.

Reform Versus Revolution

We have to proceed keeping in mind that those who assume the right to rule us are very good at hijacking language. Whenever threatened by a concept, they neutralize the danger by stealing the word. Take, for instance, “revolution.” Lacking any true capacity to offer a counter-idea that compares, to defeat revolution, those who assume the right to rule us redefine the word “revolution,” applying it to everything. We now have “revolutionary” new formulas for dish-soap and “revolutionary” technologies, and we have a corporate network producing prime-time entertainment called, “Revolution.” The idea is, if they can make the word ubiquitous, reproduce it everywhere, the word means everything and nothing at the same time. So, the word that appropriately means liberation from oppressive forces of external regulation is reduced to an adjective describing the flavor of a new burrito offered by a corporate fast-food profiteer.1

The global colonizer’s pervasive abuse of language as a counter-revolutionary strategy means we have to be clear in our use of words. So, regarding revolution, we’re not talking about new fashions but about an orientation that rejects reform in favor of abolishing the existing system to create something new. So, in contrasting reform and revolution, we’re speaking of one perspective, reform, where there exists a continuity, an unbroken progression, and another perspective, revolution, that advocates a complete disjuncture, a break whereby the old system ceases to exist and something totally new emerges in its absence.

Safe to say, Socialists view themselves as revolutionaries,2 advocating a revolutionary disjuncture, toppling the existing system and bringing about Socialism in its place, which Socialists view as totally new and distinguishable from what preceded it.

The problem is, careful analysis reveals that “Socialist revolution” is not revolutionary at all. “Socialist revolution” does not create a distinct disjuncture, does not topple existing systems for something “totally new.”

Three historical examples–Russia, China, and Cuba–provide examples of the non-revolutionary character of Socialism.

Beginning with the celebrated Russian Revolution, the Bolsheviks deposed the Tsar…and Lenin moved into the Tsar’s Winter Palace…and created a more powerful, more centralized authority with a greater capacity to oppress than the Tsar ever imagined. Under the Tsar, there were prisons and there were struggling workers and peasants. Under Socialism, there were more prisons and there were more struggling workers and peasants. As Nikolai Bukharin presented it:

“From a broader point of view, that is the point of view of an historical scale of greater scope, proletarian compulsion in all its forms, from executions to compulsory labor, constitutes, as paradoxical as this may sound, a method of the formation of a new Communist humanity from the human material of the capitalist epoch.” (Emphasis added.)

To this bewildering sentiment, Lenin wrote, “Precisely,” in the margin. Compulsion, executions, slavery, reducing humans to “material”–none of that is “revolutionary.” The historical event of Lenin replacing the Tsar and introducing a new vocabulary to describe the old oppression, a Socialist describes as a “revolution.” But in the U.S.–the most imperialist colonial power in the world–old tyrants are routinely replaced by new ones with a new vocabulary to describe the old reality. Reagan-Bush was replaced by Clinton, Clinton by Bush II, Bush II by Obama. If replacing one tyrant with another with a new lexicon constitutes “revolution,” then every U.S. election is a Socialist “revolution” equivalent to Lenin assuming power in Russia…and we’re back to the word “revolution” being meaningless.3 If you put a goatee on the Monopoly Man and call him “comrade,” that doesn’t stop him from exploiting you when you land on Boardwalk (even if he changes its name to “Leningrad”).

The Chinese Revolution proves the same pattern. All of Mao’s declarations to the contrary notwithstanding, the donkey never plowed the field “for the good of the People.” The donkey plowed the field under the weight of the yoke on its neck, under the threat of the lash on its back, and under the terror of starvation if it refused.

Before the revolution, the Chinese people had a small group of tyrants running their lives and doing it badly. After the revolution, the Chinese people had a small group of tyrants running their lives and doing it badly. That sounds like continuity, not disjuncture.

Still, there’s Cuba, right? Unlike Russia and China, Cuba did not abandon Socialism in favor of some free-market hybrid monstrosity that comes from breeding capitalism with Marxism. Does Cuba qualify as a “disjuncture?” Well, if old, privileged, male homophobes exercising despotic power and legislating against diversity qualifies as “revolutionary,” then the equivalent of the Cuban “revolution” can be watched right now on CSPAN.4

One could argue of course that the conditions of life for the average Cuban are much better under the Castro regime(s) than under Fulgencio Batista’s dictatorship–and this is certainly true: Cuba has the highest literarcy rate in the Western Hemisphere, more doctors per capital than any nation in the world, and a homelessness rate of virtually 0%. But, this is also irrelevant, as life for the average U.S. citizen was far more comfortable under Clinton-Gore than under Reagan-Bush, but this does not qualify Clinton’s reformist election as a revolutionary disjuncture. Also, such an argument opens the door for other comparisons: If the standard of living in capitalist Belgium is higher than in Socialist Cuba, does that make Belgium’s regime more “revolutionarily disjunctive” than Cuba’s? If so, then Silvio Berlusconi of Italy–a pseudo-fascist–was more “Socialist” than Hugo Chavez, by virtue of inheriting a decent economic situation.

Socialism as Reformism

In every example of Socialist “revolution,” the underlying continuity–the maintenance of a central State–far and away overshadows any minor and inconsequential “disjunctures” represented by any changes in the character of that State. From this view, Socialism–and any Statist effort, really–can be understood as revolution’s “underachiever,” aspiring to replace a meaner tyrant with a seemingly-nicer one, rather than abolishing tyranny completely.

As a consequence, history proves Socialism over the long haul gets stuck in the same rut as reformism–a cycle of so-called liberatory change that is later negated by counter-revolutionary shifts. The Socialist cycle of change and reversal is just longer and slower than the same cycle that is experienced by those consciously engaged in reform. The Who summed it up best: “Meet the new boss; same as the old boss…”

For a real revolution, a true disjuncture, it is not enough to replace the old boss with a new boss. Eliminating the position entirely is a revolutionary disjuncture. Anything less is reformist continuity with a reformist end result.

Socialism’s Principle Delusion

Socialism does not conceive of a state-less society, but sees the State as a permanent, necessary fixture that can neither be abandoned nor abolished. In this way, the State is a common denominator for Socialists and Fascists alike–while they occupy opposite ends of a political spectrum, they both advocate the continuity of the State and differ only in how they perceive that State should operate.

At root, Socialists believe the State can be seized and employed as a force for revolution, for liberating people from the oppression of external regulation. This false belief in the State as a possible force for liberation is provably delusional. This is demonstrable through a reasoned analysis of the State and its function as related to human freedom.

Freedom

Before we can draw any conclusion about the character of the State, whether it can or cannot function as a mechanism to liberate (i.e., increase freedom) rather than oppress (i.e., increase non-freedom), we must again define our terms. “Freedom,” like “revolution,” can have too many meanings. I propose we use a definition put forward by Ward Churchill as an excellent working definition: “The absence of external regulation.” I like that. In the absence of external regulation, you are free. You have no external regulator, no boss, no sheriff, no ruler, nothing beyong you exercising power to govern you. You experience freedom–the absence of external regulation.

Also, conversely, in the presence of external regulation, you are un-free; that is, you are subject to some external regulator, and the more subject to external regulation that you are, the less free you are.

So, by this conception of things, we can imagine a kind of sliding scale represented by a horizontal line. At one end of the line we have a point we can label, “Absolute Freedom,” and at the other end, we have a point called, “Absolute External Regulation.”

ABSOLUTE FREEDOM •——————————————————————————• ABSOLUTE EXTERNAL REGULATION

Every position on the line between these two points then represents some interplay, some compromise between these two opposites.

This graph can be useful for us in considering ideas like “liberation” and “oppression.” Liberation, which is generally understood as the struggle to move the existing reality in the direction of freedom, on our graph would represent a shift leftward toward “Absolute Freedom.” It matters not where you are on the continuum, for our purposes, because if you struggle for liberation, for freedom, your destination is to the left. Conversely, if you want to oppress, to impose more external regulation, your destination is to the right of your current location. You want to move toward “Absolute External Regulation,” and away from “Absolute Freedom.”

ABSOLUTE FREEDOM •—————————————-|————————————-•   ABSOLUTE OPPRESSION

←LIBERATION

→ REGULATION

The State

Let’s remember, the question posed to us is whether the State can be an instrument for liberation–that is, whether the State can move us from absolute external regulation and to absolute freedom. And we now have this graph for purposes of our analysis.

So, what is “the State?” What is the State’s relationship to the individual, the subject who finds herself or himself at some position on this continuum between absolute freedom and absolute external regulation? The State is authority. It is the purpose of a “government” to “govern.” It’s what they do.

To “govern” is to “regulate.”

The State’s relationship to the individual is one of “external regulation.” Whatever kind of State confronts us, and whatever regulation it conducts, the State’s very reason to exist is to regulate.

So now, when we look back at our continuum, the question for us is whether the State, the “external regulator,” the source of external regulation, can be an instrument for somehow eliminating the “external regulation” that provides the State its reason to exist. Worded another way, is it feasible that the State can be an instrument for standing up to the State?

Quite a paradox, using the State to protect people from the State, to use an “external regulator” to disempower itself, to conceive of a government whose aim is to not govern. This is particularly true when you consider that the individual’s struggle for liberation, struggle to move toward absolute freedom and away from external regulation, is the struggle against the external regulator.

It is the individual’s Struggle against the State.

Reasonably then, the Socialist strategy of using the State as an instrument to liberate people (from the State and its external regulation) makes about as much sense as putting a fire out with a can of gasoline and books of matches.

Socialism as “Fascism-Lite”

If we consider our continuum again, considering that we see the State as “external regulator,” we can recognize what the two extreme absolutes represent. At the left end, “Absolute Freedom,” we have also the absolute absence of external regulation. As the State externally regulates, the absence of external regulation corresponds to the absence of an external regulator, and therefore the absence of the State. So “Absolute Freedom” is also, necessarily, the absence of external regulation, the absence of the State.

Statelessness, absolute freedom, is called “Anarchism.” People who advocate statelessness are called “Anarchists.”

At the opposite end, we have an absence of freedom, we have absolute external control. A system where freedom is eliminated, where the State is supreme and all-powerful, is the totalitarian Stte. Fascism.

Anarchism is the antithesis to Fascism, and vice-versa. They are opposites.

It’s important to emphasize, only Anarchists inhabit the absolute freedom extreme. Only Fascists advocate the opposite extreme, the absolute absence of freedom.

So now, if we begin at that Fascist extreme, absolute external control, we can move, point by point, along the continuum, one step removed from Fascism, and then two. Moving in degrees to the left, sooner or later, we land on Socialism. Socialism then, as all Statist positions are, is a fixed number of degrees removed from Fascism. Unlike Anarchism, which is the exact antithesis to Fascism, Socialism manifests all of the necessary components of Fascism, but manifests them only to a lesser degree.5 In this regard, Socialism is not anti-Fascist, but is, instead, “Fascist-Lite.”

Revolution

The Fascist State is the absolute oppression. Every Statist position is some lesser degree of that absolute oppression, maintaining the external regulator with its external regulation and mitigating the absolute freedom represented by statelessness. In this way, all Statist positions, to include Socialism, are incapable of that necessary disjuncture of State abolition, and instead, by maintaining the State, maintain that dooming continuity, the State, that represents the revolutionary poverty of Statism.

Only Anarchism advocates the total disjuncture of State abolition. Only Anarchism represents the complete antithesis of Fascism and the external regulator which is the very source of oppression. This makes Anarchism, and Anarchism alone, the singular path for complete liberation.

Notes:

1. By this view, the implication is that before colonizing a geographic territory, those who impose themselves first colonize our minds by colonizing our language. Those who define (and re-define) our language exercise the power to shape our experiences and perceptions of our lives. Thus, oppression always begins with a mind-fuck.

2. Reformism is provably ineffectual. To use a familiar example, consider: many U.S. prison reformists lobby for furloughs, conjugal visits, and humane conditions, but the reality is all of those “reforms” once existed and were subsequently eliminated. Thus, all reforms are transient and temporary and can be (will be) undone by counter-reforms. Thus, reformism is delusional in its belief it can offer any permanent solution. So, by this view, even when reformism succeeds, all successes are temporary, thus all successes are inevitably long-term failures.

3. Lenin…Bush…the flavor of burritos…

4. Castro…McCain…the flavor of burritos…

5. This analysis is informative for understanding those historical situations like the Spanish Civil War, where Socialists and Anarchists united to oppose the Fascists, but in crucial turning points, the Socialists made key decisions to undermine and obstruct Anarchist, even to the ultimate victory of the Fascists. This account is conformed even by Socialists who fought on the revolutionary side. For the Anarchist perspective, Durruti, by Abel Paz; for the Socialist perspective, Homage to Catalonia, by George Orwell. In the final analysis, it seems, Statists stick together. Their commonality is State-worship.

***

Sean Swain is held hostage by a lawless rogue state calling itself the State of Ohio. Without a legal sentence or conviction, he will be liberated when the illegitimate power of this terror-state is abolished once and for all. Sean’s writings include, “Last Act of the Circus Animals,” “Freedom,” and “Ohio,” available for free at seanswain.org because capitalism sucks and no one should get paid for telling the truth. Sean supports arming the homeless, burning down banks and courthourses, and dismantling swivelization to build something better.

The State started the war…Sean Swain intends to finish it.

The Post-Mortem Assassination of Freedom Fighter and Revolutionary Prisoner Nelson Mandela

This past week, Nelson Mandela died at the age of 95. The vast amount of reportage about his life and achievements has already begun that necessary and inevitable revision, cleansing the record of everything that might make us a little uncomfortable, leaving behind the Walt-Disney-singing-animal-musical-cartoon-version of Nelson Mandela and the world.

While everyone else is generating pure bullshit, I’d like to take the time to remind you of a few things that a provably true about Nelson Mandela, first and foremost the fact that he was a freedom fighter who approved and carried out bombings against a repressive government, and that he was an advocate of political violence.

In 1964, Nelson Mandela used his trial as a political forum. His government accused him of hundreds of acts of sabotage and, as the leader of the African National Congress (ANC), approving of bombings. The evidence of Mandela’s involvement in planned political violence has never been doubted nor refuted, not even by Mandela himself.

Nelson Mandela was found guilty of criminal acts, to include plotting to overthrow the government. He spent 27 years in prison largely because he refused to disavow the ANC’s path of armed struggle.

Sure, in the 1990’s, after his release from prison, a gray-haired Mandela smiled kindly and waxed peaceful with the likes of Bono and Oprah, and we all think of Nelson Mandela like a kind, gentle grandfather figure. Sure. And that makes the historical revision so much easier. The conversion of reality into a Walt Disney cartoon takes less effort, deleting any references to bullets or bombs or Mandela’s advocacy and use of both.

Our revisionist historians don’t want us to think about Nelson Mandela’s armed struggle because Mandela proved to be such a reasonable, thoughtful guy…and we would have to ask: Why would such a reasonable, thoughtful guy resort to such tactics? And then we would ponder other stuff.

We would consider how repressive the South African regime was. How unjust. And we would come to recognize that such an injustice was artificially maintained by support from the United States.

We would consider that a racist and repressive regime was propped up by the U.S. for decades while a freedom fighter sacrificed the best years of his life, refusing to compromise on principle, struggling from inside the bowels of a cold, dark prison.

We would think about how Nelson Mandela and his political organization remained on the Office of Foreign Assets Control’s list of Specially-Designated Global Terrorists until 2008.

Yeah, 2008.

The United States considered Nelson Mandela a terrorist until he was 89 years old.

If the full context of Nelson Mandela’s life was treated fairly, we might have to wonder why a kind, reasonable, thoughtful 89-year-old remained labeled a terrorist by the United States. And how many other kind, reasonable, thoughtful people are labeled as terrorists by the U.S.? How many of them are driven to be “terrorists” by the U.S.? And what does that say about the true character of the U.S.?

So let’s not honor Nelson Mandela with an accurate view of who he was; let’s not continue the struggle against oppression to which he dedicated himself, by first speaking honestly of the necessity of his armed struggle and what that implies for us. Let’s not question how those forces that drove such a thoughtful and reasonable man to the tactics of bullets and bombs are still operating to drive other thoughtful and reasonable people down the same path, or we may have to stop and think about domestic heroes like Marie Mason, Leonard Peltier, Mark Neiweem, the Cleveland 4 (Brandon, Doug, Skelly, and Connor), Mumia Abu-Jamal, the Lucasville Uprising prisoners…dozens of Nelson Mandelas who will never receive a hug from Oprah and Bono. Instead, let’s just peddle bubblegum.

This way, through historical revision, powerful forces not only mark the physical death of Mandela, but can create a future where the real Mandela never existed, much as they have done with Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, Jr., and even Mohandas Gandhi. It’s a future where true freedom fighters can remain imprisoned and viewed as irrational and thoughtless, no frame of reference to bridge the information-disconnect in our minds. Then the real danger of Nelson Mandela, the deeper truth he embodied, is neutralized. The powerful forces that shaped him won’t have to stand guard over his grave to make sure he stays dead…

But now they do.

***

Note: The U.S. State Department arranged a propaganda film with poet Maya Angelou a year and a half before Mandela’s death… (Maya Angelou interview, CBS, December 8, 2012, “Face the Nation”)

On Morality

I can’t even tell you how many times delusional hierarchs have accosted me with the question of “morality.” It seems that somehow, in the minds of the swivalized and domesticated, “anarchist” is synonymous with “immoral.” It is as if rejecting the idea that others have an inherent right to boss you around–when they don’t–somehow makes you an advocate for butt-fucking house pets and throwing bricks at little old ladies.

The reasoning of deluded hierarchs is, if you reject the definition of right and wrong imposed on you by others, then you reject the idea of right and wrong entirely.

And, just a quick observation here, it’s always seemed funny to me and more than a little ironic that any hierarch would even raise the issue of morality. What could a hierarch possibly know about “right” and “wrong,” other than the programmed belief that “right” and “wrong” are always determined by someone else, by some authority beyond you, above you–the parent, the teacher, the priest, the boss, the coach, the cop, the military commander, the legislator, the voice in the dashboard telling you to turn left? The first and most-rehearsed lesson that a hierarch learns is to defer to someone else’s definition of right and wrong, to never draw your own conclusions about what you “ought” to do.

Don’t take my word for that. Stop for a moment and consider the totality of your life’s activities in hierarchy. What percentage of those activities do you freely choose to do simply because you firmly believe with conviction that such-and-such activity is the right thing to do, and that it should be done the way you’re doing it?

Nothing at your job, if you have one, qualifies. Everything you do at a job is done according to what someone else dictates. You are a machine made of flesh, dragging stones up the pyramid.

Then rule out all the activities of necessity–like shopping or getting gas or driving to and from work–because what you do and how you do it are dictated by forces beyond you. You could “choose” not to buy food and go hungry, or you could “choose” not to buy gas for your car (and run out of gas, and show up late for work, and lose your job…), but there are strong forces that compel you to conform.

So what have we whittled your moral universe down to? The question of which 2 hours of corporate cop-shows you watch on TV?

News flash: In a hierarch world, your whole life is dictated to you. Hierarchs are rendered totally incapable of contemplating right and wrong, or planning freely-chosen moral conduct. Hierarchs’ moral capacities are as atrophied as the muscles inside of a cast after a long period of non-use. No, I would have to say that whole communities of “little Eichmanns” who thoughtlessly march in lock-step and assume their assigned seat, lack an essential component of analytical thought necessary for the fullness of moral inquiry.

I would say that moral inquiry–real moral inquiry–requires that essentially-anarchist engagement begins with asking, “Should I defer to someone else, or should I listen to my own conscience? Should I march in lock-step? What are the ramifications if I accept my assigned seat? Who are the authorities, and are they moral and do they know more than I do?”

In short, by my thinking, real moral inquiry demands that we constantly question authority, to include the question of what makes authority the authority, and this is not an inquiry hierarchs can engage in…and if they engaged in it, such an engagement would necessarily make them anarchists.

So, considering that, I always find it ironic when deluded hierarchs (who are incapable of complete moral inquiry) raise the question of “morality,” as if anarchists are somehow morally inferior rather than morally superior to deluded hierarchs.

By the way, the question is frequently thrown out there, you would think that it was an anarchist who was given an award for being the most peaceful human on the planet and then maintained 3 wars and invaded the privacy of billions and approved drone strikes against civilians and maintained “black site” torture centers around the globe…you’d think that was an anarchist rather than a die-hard hierarch of the highest order. So, to answer the question of morality, I tell deluded hierarchs that I can only speak for myself, but as an anarchist, I don’t believe in funding terrorists…like the United States, bombing water treatment facilities, dumping depleted uranium all over people while “liberating” them, mass-murdering children through draconian sanctions, supporting a top-ten human rights abuser that launches missiles from Apache attack helicopters into civilian traffic in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, destabilizing other governments through assassinations and proxy death squads.

But hierarchs’ tax money pays for thatevery day.

If you live in the United States and you go along with the program, money from your labor has been extracted from your paycheck to finance the murder of children somewhere in the world today.

I don’t know how to conduct a serious conversation about “morality” with baby-killers. I try, but I’m not very good at it.

And that’s just one aspect of hierarch immorality. Consider the millions who are locked in cages, kidnapped and subjected to suffering, both innocent and guilty alike, financed by thoughtless zombie hierarchs who shamble through their unconscious lives… Or the millions who are arbitrarily fenced off into pockets of poverty on one side or another of artificial national boundaries so the obscenely wealthy can continue profitable exploitation of all of us…paid for by the oblivious supporters of hierarchy who question the “morality” of abolishing the mass-grave of the hierarch machine… Or the toxification of water, and land, and air; the mass-destruction of the natural world carried out by the obedient hierarch slaves committing omnicide for cheese puffs…

It leaves me little option but to shrug and admit that anarchists have a very different idea about how to define “right” and “wrong.” An anarchist concept of morality is quite different from the one maintained by deluded hierarchs.